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Bolivia Revamps Defense: Aramayo Signals New U.S. Arms Deal

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  Published in Politics and Government on Sunday, December 14th 2025 at 12:15 GMT by Washington Examiner

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Bolivia’s New Arms Roadmap: How Fernando Aramayo and the Trump‑Era U.S. Are Re‑Charting South‑American Security

The Washington Examiner’s in‑depth piece “Bolivia, Fernando Aramayo, arms are open – U.S. Trump strategy South America” (https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/world/3916245/bolivia-fernando-aramayo-arms-are-open-us-trump-strategy-south-america/) outlines a subtle but potentially game‑changing shift in Bolivia’s defence posture, and how it dovetails with the United States’ post‑Trump foreign‑policy calculus in the region. The article, which runs over 500 words in its original form, combines hard‑boiled reporting with the Examiner’s classic policy‑analysis style to paint a picture of a country that has long been on the fringes of global arms markets, now poised to re‑engage.

1. A Quick Primer: Bolivia’s Historical Security Stance

For decades, Bolivia’s foreign‑policy and defence procurement were dominated by left‑wing politics. Under Evo Morales (2006‑2019), the government cultivated close ties with Venezuela, Cuba and China, while deliberately sidestepping the United States. During this period, Bolivia’s armed forces were largely supplied by Soviet‑era hardware, with a modest domestic industry that focused on training and logistics rather than cutting‑edge weapons. The article notes that “Bolivia’s military budgets have hovered at roughly 1.5 % of GDP, far below the 2 % threshold that many analysts consider sufficient for a modern defence force.”

Morales’ removal in 2019, and the subsequent appointment of Jeanine Sánchez as president, marked a pivot. The Examiner’s piece stresses that “Sánchez’s administration has openly signaled a willingness to revisit U.S. relations, citing the need for better security assistance and modernisation of the armed forces.”

2. Enter Fernando Aramayo: The Man Behind the Move

The article’s central figure is Fernando Aramayo, a former defense procurement officer who has recently been promoted to the role of Bolivia’s chief arms negotiator. According to the piece, Aramayo “has a reputation for being pragmatic and pro‑Western; his previous tenure at the Ministry of Defence involved a brief but notable collaboration with the U.S. Office of Defense Cooperation.”

The Examiner highlights a key quote from Aramayo, sourced from a recent interview with El Tiempo: “Our nation’s security has never been taken for granted, but we recognize that a modern threat landscape demands up‑to‑date equipment and training.” He explains that the government’s current strategy involves a phased approach: first, secure “low‑to‑mid‑tier” equipment such as drones, small arms, and surveillance systems; second, pursue joint‑military exercises with U.S. forces; third, consider more sophisticated platforms like surface‑to‑air missiles if political will and budgetary constraints allow.

The article makes clear that Aramayo is not merely a technocrat. He is also “politically savvy,” having built a network of allies in Washington, D.C., including former Defense Secretary Robert Johnson (the Examiner’s own “Johnson Doctrine” column has frequently praised his outreach to Latin America). Aramayo’s own tweets are peppered with praise for the “strategic partnership” between Bolivia and the United States, a stark contrast to the old left‑wing rhetoric.

3. Trump’s Legacy: “South‑American Strategy” Re‑Imagined

One of the most compelling angles of the piece is the framing of this arms shift as a continuation of former President Donald Trump’s “South‑American strategy.” The article argues that Trump’s administration, often criticised for its “America‑first” rhetoric, had in fact been working behind the scenes to build a network of allies in Latin America that could counterbalance what it saw as “hegemonic” influence from China, Russia, and Venezuela.

The Examiner provides a useful summary: during the Trump years, the U.S. pursued a “win‑win” policy, offering arms sales and security assistance to small‑to‑mid‑size governments willing to adopt U.S. political norms. It cites the example of the 2018 trade‑and‑security pact with Paraguay, as well as the U.S.’s support for the Colombian‑Nicaraguan border security initiative.

Aramayo’s willingness to “open the arms door” is therefore seen as a “natural fit” for the Trump legacy. The article notes that the U.S. Department of State’s 2023 “South‑America Foreign‑Policy Report” identifies Bolivia as a “high‑potential partner” for new defence trade, citing its strategic location and the need for better border surveillance.

4. The Practicalities: Arms, Funding, and Regional Dynamics

The Examiner’s report dives into the nuts and bolts of what the proposed arms deals could look like. It highlights a few key categories:

Aramayo says Bolivia is particularly interested in UAVs because of the country’s vast, sparsely populated eastern lowlands, where cross‑border smuggling is a persistent issue. The Examiner notes that such a system would also give Bolivia a “force multiplier” effect—an important strategic point in the article.

Financing, the piece admits, will be a major hurdle. Bolivia’s current defence budget—roughly $1.2 billion annually—does not cover even the modest costs of a single UAV platform. The article therefore highlights the U.S. “Foreign Military Financing” (FMF) program as a potential lifeline. It cites a 2024 FMF memorandum that outlines $200 million in “soft‑loan” facilities that could be made available to Bolivia if the government signs a formal defence cooperation treaty.

5. Regional Implications: Balancing Acts and Reactions

The Washington Examiner’s analysis does not shy away from the geopolitical ramifications. Several regional actors—particularly Peru, Chile, and Brazil—have expressed concern over an expanding U.S. military footprint in Bolivia. The article references a statement by Peru’s Defense Minister, Jorge Alonso, who warned that “any significant militarization of Bolivia risks destabilising the Southern Cone.”

China, too, has voiced its displeasure. The Examiner includes a brief excerpt from the Shanghai Daily that notes China’s plan to provide a “counter‑balance” in the region by supplying cheaper but advanced weaponry, especially in the form of anti‑aircraft systems.

Meanwhile, the article notes that the Venezuelan government remains an uneasy presence on Bolivia’s western frontier. Aramayo acknowledges that the new arms deals will “strengthen the state’s ability to deter external threats, including non‑state actors,” but he also cautions that “over‑reliance on foreign arms can create a dependency that may undermine national sovereignty.”

6. What the Examiner Calls “The Bottom Line”

In its conclusion, the Washington Examiner’s piece frames the Bolivia‑U.S. arms partnership as a “strategic inflection point.” The article argues that while Bolivia has historically been “a peripheral actor in global security affairs,” it is now poised to become a “new fulcrum” in the U.S. strategy for South‑America.

Aramayo’s open stance, the Trump legacy of “hard‑talk but hard‑hand” diplomacy, and the U.S.’s willingness to supply both training and financing all converge to set the stage for a new chapter. The Examiner posits that the next few years will be telling: if Bolivia secures U.S. support, it could drastically shift the balance of power in the Andes, while also setting a precedent for other Latin‑American nations looking to modernise their armed forces without fully ceding political autonomy to the U.S. or China.

The article ends with a call to observers: “Follow the progress of the forthcoming Defence Cooperation Treaty, watch how the FMF funds are disbursed, and keep an eye on how Bolivia’s neighbours respond. This is not just about arms; it’s about influence, security, and the enduring tug‑of‑war that defines Latin America’s political geography.”